Atmosfera Rizaliana: Metonymic Journeys of Storm Tropes in José Rizal’s Writing on the Philippines

Stormy weather appears in recurrent instances across the literary and political oeuvre of José Rizal, a nineteenth-century figure who is one of the most significant and well-known personages in Philippine history. This paper analyzes the manner by which he describes storms in a few of his personal and political works, and observes that there is a deployment of metonymic logic that undergirds not only the texts, but a variety of other movements across the nineteenth-century cultural, technological, and political landscape. The metonymic logic of storm tropes are, in this sense, not only a productive literary modality in understanding weather representations during the Philippine fin de siècle, but also become illustrative of political and historical developments during the period. Based on this overarching logic, the paper articulates the possibility of understanding global climate and climate change as a series of interconnected and associated postcolonial and ecocritical experiences that are able to figure the world at large through an alternative expansion. This paper also investigates previous critiques that categorize the Rizaliana’s weather as romantic, and interrogates the assumptions that are deployed in such categorizations – and what they might mean for Philippine postcolonial ecocriticism and its climate imaginaries.

rarer in comparison, and as far as I am aware, only Filomeno Aguilar (2016) has undertaken a weather-oriented analysis on the tropic representations to be found in the Rizaliana and the wider ilustrado archive. Possible reasons for this scarcity might be found in the character of romanticism that permeates Rizal's figurations, and owing to ecocriticism's fraught relationship with romance as an intellectual modality (Huggan, 2009) the Rizaliana poses more difficulty than other works written with environmental issues at their heart and center.
Yet, it would be negligent to ignore the Rizaliana based on these difficultiesespecially if one is attempting to understand the history of atmospheric figurations from and about the archipelago and their consequent relation to the discourse of the climate crisis. Contemporary ideas are, after all, significantly formed by their connection to elements of the past, whether these relations might be described as foundational, oppositional, or otherwise alternative (Williams, 1977, p.122), and to speak of a Philippine ecocritical approach necessarily entangles itself with the thickness a historical analysis entails. Extant writing on a Philippine-grounded ecocriticism is very much aware that the experience of empire (whether Spanish, American, or Japanese) suffuses the foundation and trajectories of its environmental humanities (Santa Ana, 2018;Yapan, 2019) and this paper is an extension of this thinking through its particular study of the Rizaliana.
The paper begins by describing the general biographical and political contexts under which Rizal had been writing before closely reading some of his works (specifically, the letters between himself and his family describing European and Philippine storms in 1882, and the Brindis 1 of 1884). It then goes on to point out instances wherein Rizal resorts to using metonymy in his descriptions of turbulent weather, and shows how his metonymic logic is more than an aesthetic literary feature. Rather, it is a modality whose logic can be used to describe a variety of technological, cultural, and political developments that were happening all over the world. Metonymic weather, or 'weather in fragments' as this paper calls it, had a variety of effects, some positive and some negative, but all were undeniably productive and still provide insight into how experiences of weather and climate were understood and how they can be possibly rethought in light of the present climate crisis.
The paper also takes a small detour to entangle itself with earlier critiques of the Brindis by Filomeno Aguilar, whose "Romancing Tropicality" (2016) makes the case for a categorization of Rizal's weather imagination as romantic. Issues regarding generic classifications are then brought to the fore, and discussed in terms of the 1 "Brindis" is the Spanish term for congratulatory speech made during a toast. Because toasts do not usually have specific titles, this speech is also known under a number of different names, such as "In Honor of Two Filipino Painters" (Rizal, 1976a) and "Rizal's Homage to Luna and Hidalgo" (Rizal, 2001). implications and expectations they set regarding Rizal's ecocritical legacy. Finally, this paper concludes by returning to its discussion of the metonym, and how it has an expansive feature which describes possible emerging relations between peoples and cultures affected in different ways by climate change. In its expanded use, metonymic logic allows for the imagination of an "overlapping community of fate" that connects different experiences of weather together through sentimental or alternative associations, a bridging which the current climate crisis demands from all of us, now more than ever.

Ilustrado Upbringing: A Passage Between Spain and the Philippines
José Protasio Rizal Mercado y Alonso Realonda was born on the 19 th of June 1861 in the town of Calamba, Laguna. The Philippines at the time had been a colony of Spain for almost three hundred years and was witnessing the Castillian empire's slow decline during the last few decades of the nineteenth century. Rizal was 7 when Queen Isabel II was overthrown during the Glorious Revolution; 8 when the Suez Canal opened and shortened travel time between the Philippines and Spain; 11 when Filipino priests Mariano Gomez, Jose Burgos, and Jacinto Zamora (colloquially known together as GomBurZa) were executed for their supposed involvement with the Cavite Mutiny in that same year; and 13 when the Bourbon monarchy was restored to the throne with Alfonso XIII.
These are only some of the events that framed Rizal's upbringing, and it would not be an overstatement to say that it was a period of turbulent political flux. Despite the political atmosphere, economically, various parts of the Philippines were experiencing sporadic growth which allowed a few families such as Rizal's an upward class mobility. The children of these fortunate few had access to higher degrees of education (whether in the Philippines or abroad), and were marked by a Hispanized upbringing that set them apart from most people of the Philippines. Rizal, and the children who grew up like him, then came to be known as ilustrados or the enlightened class of the Philippines. As a group, they generally believed that the proper resolution to most of the colony's problems was legal reform and progress through widespread education, and not a complete separation from Spanish empire. Friars, both politically and ideologically, were figures which the ilustrados were often in heavy disagreement with, and given that much of political control in the islands was under the purview of religious organizations, the repercussions for their opposition were serious and considerable, ranging from imprisonment, exile, and in the most dire instances executionas was the case for GomBurZa.
In 1882, 21 year-old Rizal left the Philippines to continue his education in Europe, and began writing his novels soon after. At 26, he published the first one, the Noli Me Tangere, at 30 his second, the El Filibusterismo, and both earned him the ire of conservatives and the affection of the liberals in the Philippines and Europe alike. In the midst of all this, he was studying ophthalmology, writing articles for La Solidaridad, attempting to lay the foundations for a study of Philippine history and culture, and involving himself with the Reformist movement alongside other ilustrados such as Marcelo H. del Pilar and Mariano Ponce. The last project, hopeful and optimistic as it was in the beginning, eventually ended with a decisive split between Rizal and del Pilar, and while a variety of factors contributed to the worsening relationship between Rizal and the rest of the Philippine colony in Europe, it all eventually culminated in him deciding to return to the Philippines in 1892 in spite of the danger to himself such a homecoming posed.
His return to Manila resulted almost immediately in his exile to Dapitan, a small rural settlement in the southern island of Mindanao. He had become infamous for his writing, and was not a man who authorities believed could be left unchecked. After four years of exile, rising revolutionary movements both in Cuba and the Philippines provoked Antonio Canovas' administration to implement dire measures in the hopes of quelling any more unrest in the Pacific. While Spain sent troops to quash Marti's revolution in Cuba, it also decided to land a decisive blow against the symbolic figurehead of the Philippine rebellion. Rizal was executed by firing squad on 30 December 1896 on charges of sedition. He was at the time 35 years old.
Having framed the general political climate in Spain and the Philippines, the analysis begins by circling back to the middle of Rizal's life. It starts with his first autumn in Spain and his first taste of life abroad in the year 1882.

Weather in Fragments
It seems as if Rizal left the Philippines with an impeccable sense of timing. He had barely arrived in Madrid when things started to go awry, or more awry than is usual, back on the islands. As early as August, Rizal began receiving word of problems caused by the year's rainy season, but the letters started sketching a direr picture within a span of a few months. August heralded the beginning of both the monsoon and the cholera epidemic in Manila, with the latter killing around one out ten at the height of its spread (De Bevoise, 1995, p.118). 2 Right on its heels a few typhoons followed, and right after those, a beriberi epidemic, all of which proceeded to 2 De Bevoise analyses a variety of epidemics in the Philippines from the theoretical perspective of total environments, which he defines as not just ecological, but economic and cultural as well (1995). Based on Vic Hurley's studies (1938), cholera was still ravaging the archipelago as late as the American Occupation, and underground religious organizations, such as the one headed by Dionisio Magbuela (more popularly known amongst his followers as "Papa Isio" or "Pope Isio") in Negros Island, proclaimed it was a disease caused by the Americans poisoning the wells (p.123). compound the fallouts of the previous disasters with effects unevenly extending well into the next few decades. Word of these three disasters (cholera, storms, and beriberi) reached Rizal inconsistently. From his family, news came in incohesive fragments, and he had to piece all the information together to get a general grasp of what was going on. Four of his siblings gave conflicting reports in their letters between October and November. Olimpia, on one hand, tells him around sixteen people die every day in their hometown of Calamba because of cholera; Paciano, on the other, relays that they hardly have any cases. Josefa, meanwhile, tells him that while the storm that recently passed was not that strong, the water "grew so large" [tubig na lumaqui], that people living by the coast had all moved back to the towns, and that young girls had started manning their own boats to flee the flood. Maria, finally, and still without any consistency with her other siblings, takes the cosmic-folkloric and trans-oceanic route at the behest of their father: "Ipinapatanong sa iyo ni Tatay cung uala ca rao naquitang cometa dían na pares ñg aming naquiquita dine buhat ñg mag ca Cólera, na cun aming maquita ay cun a las cuatro ñg umaga" 3 (Rizal, 1961a, pp.58-59). This is to say nothing of all the news he received from colleagues elsewhere in the Philippines. The situation is somewhat summarized by Rizal's brother-in-law, Mariano Herbosa, whose letter narrates all these events in Calamba in those last few months of 1882: Here a second storm that was not so severe arrived on the 20 th of October and the 5 th of November and while the water truly grew large, our [family members'] houses were not destroyed, only a little bit of Señora Neneng's roof was ripped away, the same as with our in-law Antonino, our river was truly cheerful because the surge of water was really very great, and the old people say that the water has never been this big until now, which is why on the streets, beginning from the talisay trees all the way to the sea, they have begun to ride boats, houses by the coast have all been destroyed by the water, the sugar storehouses have been flooded, and most of the sugar from Tanauan has melted. 4 So many people have started bathing and fishing in the river that, one day, Turnino, the son of Cabesang Bastian, Lucas, the son of Cabesang Moyses Ustar . . . and your friend Basilio Salgado, fished out a newly born child, a boy with his umbilical cord still attached (already dead), and they buried him right by the river without informing the Justicia, which is why when the Tribunal found out they were imprisoned, and made to do diligence for "inhumation" and they 4 Miguel Selga records around 3 storms crossed the Philippines during October and November of 1882: the first between 18-22 of October (727.60 mmHg), the second between 23-27 October (726.43 mmHg), and the third from 3-8 November (no barometric measurement given). Based on the measurements, the storms we do have data on qualify as "remarkable" typhoons (verging on "very remarkable"), and Selga's brief description of late October storms seems to provide that they were quite out of the ordinary. The storm that began on 18 October, writes Selga, "is known as the great typhoon of Manila and near provinces," which is in interesting contradistinction to how Rizal's family describes the said storm in their letters. The distance between "what is known" and "what is felt" makes itself very palpable in this case (1935, pp.44, 50). were all sent to the Capital, and up until now they are still investigating who the mother of the said child is.
The cholera has receded here and though some people still die, it is now only one by one, and it is probably the people who have decided to weather the storms here, in just our town the number of deaths has exceeded more than five hundred including those who are not from here, but I am not completely sure about the number of people who have died.
This and the storms that have passed are the reasons why Diariong Tagalog has ceased operations, and I felt truly distraught when they said in their farewell it is because their resources have become inadequate. (Rizal, 1961a, pp.60-61)

[translation mine]
The scene is familiar in its excessive and overflowing characteristics; Mariano relays the news in a stream of consciousness that disregards punctuation. Rizal is told a story in a torrential manner, and Mariano's grammar mimics the continuous cascade of tragedy he relays. Miserable events come together from all directions without pause, and one has barely come to terms with one misfortune before another is swelling into view. Where does one even attempt to begin to understand, and what? With natural disaster, or with the epidemic? The literal melting away of the sugar plantation harvest, upon which so many families' livelihoods depended? The Tribunal's attempt to find the culprit in a supposed crime and the imprisonment of some townspeople, who had only been trying to provide some sort of closure amidst all that wreckage? The closing of Diariong Tagalog, which, aside from being one of the periodicals that would publish Rizal, was also one of the first bilingual newspapers in Manila and would have made much positive headway in informing the public regarding of proposed legal reforms, if only it had survived longer than a few months? The news overwhelms; it is a story of many deaths, all coming to a head during the monsoon. Rizal cannot answer with any solid assurance, far away as he is, so instead he writes that he hopes for everyone's continued safety and for his siblings to do what they can for their neighbors. When it is his turn to relay events from his side of the world, twenty-one year old Rizal, too, tells a story about the weather, 5 and probably suffering from the comparison of 5 The letter from Rizal was written 13 January 1883, around two months after Mariano's letter which was written 13 November 1882. While conversation did meander around a number of different topics across the letters between these dates, Saturnina (Rizal's sister) was still relaying that flood was a continuing problem in their town in December of 1882 (Rizal 1961a, pp.66-67), alongside the symptoms of a new sickness (beri-beri) becoming noticeable amongst the people. We might surmise that in this case, Rizal's response in 1883 was not temporally distant from the news of these concerns. intensities, and with the misfortunes in Calamba still fresh in everyone's mind, he gives a slightly scoffing account of Madrid's storms. On the eighth, classes opened and we returned to our interrupted homework. It started to rain which was a treat, but a fine shower, ticatic as we say there, for a week. The streets were full of dirty and thick mud, the floor slippery and between the gaps of the old and worn cobblestones, puddles of water like lubluban ng calabao [carabao pools] [. . .] How ugly is Madrid. The sidewalks and streets are filled with umbrellas that have left many one-eyed because of their compassionate tips. A wind may come to turn that unfortunate umbrella upside down, leaving the owner of such flexible furniture in a ridiculous and grave commitment. At least there when it rains, it rains quite well so that it washes the streets and people find shelter beneath the house eaves, but here the rain is as fine as matang tinapa [smoked fish eyes]. Then the newspapers talk about a storm; but my God, what storm! (1961a, pp.81-83)

[translation mine]
The derision is familiar to many who have experienced homesickness, but more than that, Rizal makes the observation that so many weather representations traveled during the nineteenth century in fragments. Contrary to the usual belief that there is a national kind of weather that characterizes the experience of one place versus another, Rizal's vexation, problematic as it is, creates through figuration a Madrid that has fish eyes falling from heaven and carabao [native water buffalo] pits forming in street crevices. Rizal conjures tropical weather in a place most unhomely to it, and weaves it into the setting so that he might describe an unknown experience to his family. It is, to paraphrase James Clifford, Madrid with a difference (1992). The description of place is a wonderfully frankensteined creature that marries both the temperate and the tropical into one, and it is impossible to ignore that at the core of this whole assemblage is the desire to share his expanding perspective with the people he loved. Affection and sentimentality compel Rizal to construct an image and a narrative that can be shared between him and his family, no matter the material and physical distances that existed between them.
And Rizal's partitioning of the weather into bits and pieces was not just a textual development, but part of a larger contextual one as well. The idea of traveling weather, in this sense, follows the conceptual proposition forwarded by Hau and Tejapira that travel "need not be defined as a physical movement of people, since the term encompasses circulations of ideas and discourses enabled by inflows of goods and commodities such as books, films, and other consumer items within and beyond Southeast Asia" (2011, p.5). Alongside Rizal and his letters, technological advancements were also bringing bits and pieces of weather elsewhere. Ice, which had never been widely known (if it was known at all) in the Philippines previously, began traveling by the ton to the archipelago until local ice plants became operational in the late nineteenth century (Ocampo, 2015), which prompts us to remember that contemporary Philippine desserts much beloved during summer (from mais con hielo to halo-halo, from dirty ice cream to iced water) are only as recent as the ability of temperate things to travel and maintain their non-literary form in the tropics. In another related development, one is also reminded of the fact that the late nineteenth century was a time when the consumption of exposition universelles, the publication of travelogues and ship diaries, and orientalist exhibitions of every kind were very much in vogue and much applauded across the world. Weather in bits and pieces was present in all of these things, whether implicitly (the structure and material of the clothing being displayed, the form of the reconstructed native huts and villages) or explicitly (such as in artwork, like Ciriaco Arevalo's sculpture Baguio / Storm). And what all these examples serve to demonstrate is that there was an undeniable impetus to share and take part in this grand cosmopolitan arena of the nineteenth-century, with weather in active circulation in one adapted form or another. Some have called this circulation an effect of the modularity prompted by the rise of the local newspaper (Hau & Tejapira, 2011, p.6), but one can also think of this movement as similar to the gestures of the metonym (Jakobson & Halle, 1971, pp.90-96;Kelen, 2007, pp.14-26) as it was enacted by the political concerns of the ilustrados.
Metonymy, according to the Oxford English Dictionary (OED), "is the action of substituting for a word or phrase denoting an object, action, institution, etc., a word or phrase denoting a property or something associated with it . . . In extended use: a thing used or regarded as a substitute for or symbol of something else." In Jakobson and Halle's analysis (1971, pp. 90-96;Kelen, 2007, pp.14-26), even synechdoche can be considered a species of metonym, especially when one observes that the overall logic of the latter governs the movement of the former. Synecdoche still deploys the logic of associations, but in a very specific manner with its figuration of the relationship between parts and wholes as substitutive for one another. The exchange of goods and the ideas they were thought to represent might be thought of as metonymic if one considers that all things are only partial or modular depictions of whole social and cultural processes, snapshots of a movement in one place that are in turn transported around the world for a variety of political, economic, or artistic motivations. In contemporary studies, Christian Benitez (2019) demonstrates how metonymic associations concretize abstract concepts in the Philippine context, revealing themselves to be gestures of a worlding grounded in specific experiences.
Yet it would be naïve to think that this circulation (sharing is a word I have previously used to describe this whole process) is governed by simple altruism, no matter its stated intentions or claims. As with all things, power undergirds every effort and operation to provide something of interest, something of note, something of value, and participants in the cosmopolis were always sharing in response to either the historical, dominant, or emergent structures of power impinging on their lives. The participation of storms and weather in this case becomes a particular currency in that larger pattern of global exchange and representation, and depending on what grounds these exchanges were made (from colony to metropole, from metropole to metropole, from one colony to another, or in some other relational form entirely), flows of power were either reinforced or overturned, realities either flattened or enriched. And the ilustrados understood this very well.

Sentimental Weathers of the Cosmopolis
This idea, that there is a circulation of weather fragments to and from the Philippines and in which Rizal was involved, becomes pronounced as a political maneuver in that famous brindis he had given for the painters Juan Luna and Félix Resurrección Hidalgo. 6 In 1884, both had just won awards at the Madrid Exposition: Luna a gold medal for Spoliarium and Hidalgo a silver for Las Virgenes Cristianas Expuestas al Populacho. The Philippine colony in Madrid-small, new, and ridden with disagreements-embraced the victory in one of the rare moments of joyous solidarity between its members. Maximino Paterno organized a dinner to celebrate the painters' achievements, and Rizal was slated to give the evening's congratulatory toast, an 6 Félix Resurrección Hidalgo and Juan Luna are two ilustrado peers of Rizal, best known for their artistic talents as painters in both the Philippines and in Europe. Nick Joaquin (1980, p.13), in a reading of Luna (but which nonetheless applies to Hidalgo as well) puts forward that their achievements "proclaimed the arrival of the Filipino on the world scene". Guerrero (1963, pp.111-119) has implied that Rizal's aspirations as a writer might possibly have been influenced by the success both achieved in 1884, the subject of which is described in the Brindis.
honor to him no doubt, given that Graciano Lopez Jaena was the more well-known orator of the group. Rizal does not disappoint his audience, and he takes up once more his thesis on the traveling fragments of weather, this time not only through the geographic dimension, but the historical as well. While he begins with a unifying thematic that characterizes so much of early Propaganda Movement rhetoric ("genius is like light and air, the patrimony of all: as cosmopolitan as space, as life, as God"), the middle section of the speech provides an understanding of the atmospheric formation of subjects. There is an experience of homeland, according to Rizal, that resists effacement, and which reappears time and time again in the most unexpected of places, even when the initial environment that had formed it in the first place is out of the immediate frame of reference.
La misma naturaleza que engendra tales fenómenos interviene también en aquellas pinceladas. En cambio, en el cuadro de Hidalgo late un sentimiento purísimo, expresión ideal de la melancolía, la hermosura y la debilidad, victimas de la fuerza bruta; y es que Hidalgo ha nacido bajo el azul brillante de aquel cielo, al arrullo de las brisas de sus mares en medio de la serenidad de sus lagos, la poesía de sus valles y la armonía majestuosa de sus montes y cordilleras.
There [in the Philippines] they absorbed the poetry of nature; nature grand and terrible in its cataclysms, its transformations, its dynamism; sweet, peaceful, and melancholy nature in its constant manifestation; nature that imprints its seal upon whatever it creates or produces. Her sons bear this within themselves wherever they may go. Analyze, then, their accomplishments and their characters, and however little you may know this nation, you will see her in everything, such as the molding of her knowledge like the soul that governs everything, like the spring of a mechanical object, like substantial form, like raw material. It is impossible not to show what one feels; it is impossible to be one thing and act like another; contradictions are only apparent; they are merely paradoxes. In the Spoliarium, through that canvas that is not mute, one can hear the tumult of the throng, the cry of the slaves . . . with as much intensity and realism as the crash of thunder amid the roar of torrents, or the imposing and frightful rumble of an earthquake.
The same nature that conceives such phenomena also intervenes in those brush strokes. One the other hand, in Hidalgo's work there beats an emotion of the purest kind, the ideal expression of melancholy, beauty, frailty, victims of brutal force; and this is because Hidalgo was born beneath the brilliant azure of that sky, to the murmurs of the breezes of her seas, in the midst of the serenity of her lakes, the poetry of her valleys and the majestic harmony of her hills and mountain ranges.
For that reason in Luna's are the shadows, the contrasts, the moribund lights, mystery, and the terrible, like the resonance of those dark tempests of the tropics, the lightning and the roaring eruptions of its volcanoes; for that reason Hidalgo is all light, color, harmony, feeling, limpidity, like the Philippines on her moonlit nights, on her tranquil days, with her horizons which invite meditation, and where the infinite gently sways. And both, while being so different in themselves, in appearance at least, basically coincide, as all our hearts coincide despite notable differences. Both, reflecting in their palettes the splendorous rays of the tropical sun, transform them into rays of unfading glory with which they surround their homeland. Both express the spirit of our social, moral, and political life; humanity subjected to severe tests; unredeemed humanity; reason and aspiration in open struggle with preoccupations, fanaticism, and injustice . . . (Rizal, 2001) 7 Weather is easy enough to find in the speech. Partitioned between Luna and Hidalgo are the violent and the idyllic aspects of tropical weather respectively, but the contrast is made to function as complementary in the same way that all other binaries in the speech (Spain and the Philippines, raw and cultured substances, the dark sleep of ignorance and the jarring shock of contact) are harmonized in the understanding that difference creates a fuller experience of the world. However, if two years prior, Rizal was already thinking of weather through metonymic representations and merging two distinct imageries into a hybrid one, the 1884 Brindis goes a step further by conceptualizing not only on the level of the image, but on the level of function. Rizal develops a trajectory wherein tropes operate as indicators and then develop and act as interveners. Weather in the Brindis leaves marks on people (a "nature that imprints its seal" and which "her sons bear with them wherever they may go"), ones which can be felt or seen even by the most ignorant of audiences ("and however little you may know this nation, you will see her in everything"). This is the first function: the weather as characterizing. Later on in the speech, these metonyms begin to perform more than just indications. Rizal goes on to say that instead of just passive markers (as one would suppose is implied by the term "imprint"), weather-traces become active agents capable of "intervening" at the level of the brush stroke. Thus the second function: the weather as operative. It is this last function which has very interesting logical consequences, because it implies that weather's travels surpass their immediate containers, journeying as it does through the world in endless modular configurations. While the initial encounter with weather is instantiated by direct experience, the logic supposes that the weather does not simply disappear once aspects of its materiality change (in the case of storms, if one follows the trajectory of the logic, one supposes they do not dissipate just because the event itself has technically ended). It travels with the subjects that have experienced it, and through these subjects permeates whatever it is they consequently create. Once again, we find here the logic of the metonym, of associations. Thus, Rizal's narrativization of events: Luna and Hidalgo grew up in the Philippines, but they never completely left its weather behind; it traveled with them to Europe in their characters. Upon their arrival, tropical weather did not simply distinguish them from other people who had grown up with different weathers, but continued to guide their hand and suffuse their work at the very level of the brush stroke. If tropical weather can be seen-can exist-within and through something as divorced from its immediate materiality through a chain of associations (from immediate contact, to characteristic imprints, to brushstrokes), then to a certain extent, it can exist in the temperate zone as long as any part of Luna and Hidalgo's oeuvre exists there, in one form or another (again: "you will see her in everything").
The weather logic of the Brindisas charted aboveleaves one immediately beset by the question of intent. Although contemporary scholars can critique the contradictory and problematic maneuvers of Rizal's logic (Mojares 2002;Aguilar, 2016;) and comparative flaws shared by early colonial thinkers from other cultures can be found (Scott, 2004), to my mind, a fair judgement of intent must be weighed against the historical considerations which this intent both speaks to and/or contradicts. Why did this conception of traveling weather matter to the ilustrados? What made it so important for Rizal to conceptualize tropical weather as exceeding its technical geographic zone? Having solidified the connection between weather and creative genius, parts of the answer to these questions may lie in the thematic laid out at the very beginning. If we follow the line-"genius has no homeland, genius sprouts everywhere, genius is like light, air, belonging to all: it is as cosmopolitan as space, as life, as God"-then we might suppose that the desire to trope weather as a common good follows the political aims of cosmopolitanism in general.
Cosmopolitan, which is defined as "belonging to all parts of the world", without restriction, is from the root "cosmopolite", which is defined not only as "a citizen of the whole world", but a person or a subject that is able to survive and thrive in transference. 8 This transference, especially when it is framed through the ilustrado 8 Oxford English Dictionary (OED), s.v. "cosmopolite, cosmopolitan." In contemporary academic use, cosmopolitanism in its broadest, most general sense, is defined as "the moral obligations owed to all human beings based solely on humanity alone, without reference to race, gender, nationality, ethnicity, culture, religion, political affiliation, state citizenship, or other communal particularities", a statement often instigated by the acknowledgement that all of humanity (no matter the specificities which assemble their particular identities) are now more than ever entangled in "overlapping communities of fate". As with all things, the term is filled with both promise and problems. Some critics have identified its use as connected with a kind of cultural elitism prevalent during the 1950s and 60s; others have stressed there is an underlying myopia in the way it flattens difference in its attempt to consolidate a "stable" "universal" sphere of existence, without acknowledging the ways in which this maneuver is in itself a skewed construction and tends toward a damaging abstraction. Efforts to recover the term from this negative appraisal stress its endless potential for solidarity across national lines, producing quite a number of counter/rooted/vernacular/discrepant/inverted cosmopolitanisms in turn. David Harvey comments on the experience, can be understood across three intertwined registers: the geographical (to transfer locations, or travel), the translational (to transfer meaning), and the aneconomic proprietary (to transfer ownership, not only from one to another in full, but to all parts of the world in equality so as to nullify its capitalist aspect. In some ways, it is also to give as a means to share with the commons). When understood together, one supposes that the full embodiment of citizenship in the cosmopolis not only signifies the ability to apprehend the world in its broadest possible sense (to transfer one's self between one culture to the next, to experience what before had never even been known, and to be given the freedom to make meaning of these experiences), but also the ability to give back in some alternative but equivalent way. In Rizal's figuration of the achievements of Luna and Hidalgo, one can trace the presence of all three: the aggressive longing to exceed the territorial confines of the Philippines ("they were born in the Philippines, but they could have been born in Spain"); the urge to articulate the achievement of this worldliness at par with what they had encountered in Europe ("In the history of nations there are names related to an event which bring love and greatness to mind . . . Luna and Hidalgo belong among these names,"); and finally, the desire to share, both these achievements, these people (and implicitly, the weather that produced both) with the rest of the world ("Luna and Hidalgo belong as much to you as to us").
It is the last nuance that is most significant for this project, especially when one considers that-in the forceful establishment of the connection between Luna, Hidalgo, and the weather-Rizal tries to give this aspect of tropicality to the world; he articulates tropical weather as something of value and something worthy of being shared with the cosmopolis at large. The desire to give/share a particular experience of weather, to make it a common good through its metonymic relationship with people, broaches the possibility of a greater connection that surpasses national borders in spite of the infinite number of differences that abound in the world at large. The production of this whole theatrical rhetoric, this exaggerated romance, to my mind, was only ever intended to instigate a larger system of valuation, and consequent to that, a larger system of possible care in which all people are equally responsible. For Rizal, one cannot value genius without an appreciation of the conditions (atmospheric in this case) that have nurtured it in very specific ways. In the reverse, one cannot conceptualize any weather phenomena in broadly negative terms without considering its many effects, of which some might be unexpectedly positive though on a different trajectory than it was significance of the tension between these two competing poles of thought: "Cosmopolitanism bereft of geographical specificity remains abstracted and alienated reason, liable, when it comes to earth, to produce all manner of unintended and sometimes explosively evil consequences. Geography uninspired by any cosmopolitan vision is either mere heterotopic description or a passive tool of power for dominating the weak". Other academic fields which broadly share the same concern for the counter-national might be "transnational" and "globalization" studies, as well as the off-shoot trajectories of "Asianism" and "Pan-Asianism". For all these arguments and historicizations, see (Apter, 2020;Brown & Held, 2010;Harvey, 2000;Hau & Tejapira, 2011;Lutz, 2004). initially conceived. This gift of weather to the world, or the gift of this particular understanding of tropical weather and its peoples, allows Rizal to articulate an early conception of an "overlapping community of fate" (Brown & Held, 2010, p.295), one that is not only interested in the equality of all humans with each other, but invested in the range of their lived environmental realities as well.
It is also worth noting at this point that weather as a cosmopolitan gift also precipitates a restructuring of power relations between the colony and the metropole, one that follows a Maussian trajectory (Mauss, 1966). 9 The very ability to give, especially in terms of colonial relations when most things (taxes, bodies for war, bodies for forced labor, the terraformation of land to produce cash crops for the Spanish treasury) are dictates emanating from the economic needs of the metropole to the colony, is worthy of further commentary. Rizal, with and through Luna and Hidalgo, gives tropical weather to the world, and this act is a gift because it is bestowed on Rizal's terms, based on his desires, and without a specific or even known demand from the other for it. After all, one can only give gifts to equals, people of the same status. In the case of an inferior to a superior, one provides a tribute or a tax; in the reverse case, there are only blessings or indulgence. But Rizal and the painters were be able to give a gift, and it was a gift of the weather no less. The ilustrados wanted to gift Europe with tropical climate by transforming what had been commonly viewed as morally and physically debilitating into something valuable, as part of a masterpiece that enriches all of humanity by its very presence, a conceptual figuration which was rare in that day and age. Another way of understanding this affair is to comprehend the whole experience as a confrontation of two species of metonym; one imperial and one colonized. Both are undeniably limited, as is the case with all metonyms, and both are driven by agendas of power in a binary paradigm, but it is in the collision of these two metonymic species and the worlds they inevitably represent where our understanding of life-in-weather is either expanded or reduced.
And this gift was not only oriented towards Europe. In the Philippines, where that particular tropical climate was a lived experience, Rizal, Luna, Hidalgo provide a different aspect of the gift: the promise that the rest of the colony's children, absorbing the same "poetry of nature" that had produced the Brindis, Spoliarium, and Las 9 Marcel Mauss' study of the nature of gifts in archaic societies supposes that the act of gift-giving is neither disinterested nor voluntary, as is often thought to be the case. For Mauss, one understands that no gift is free from competitive or agonistic obligations (both to receive and to reciprocate), and the response which determines both the senders and/or receiver's place in a community's political hierarchy. This sense is most noticeable in Rizal's gift of weather. The act of giving a gift to Spain is a kind of strategic maneuver, a subtle demand to change relations between the one and the other. Ilustrado gifts, even in their most "generous" iteration, have never denied they were attached to political interest. The obligation to respond to these interests is never far behind. For a more contemporary rehearsal of the politics and philosophy of colonial gifts and debt, Achille Mbembe's "The House Without Keys" studies the European laundering of pillaged African objects and the rhetorical transformation of the stolen items as "gifts" (2021, pp.149-172).
Virgenes, might achieve the same recognition from the cosmopolis someday. Surprisingly, the gift had also journeyed to Japan in a rather roundabout way, and there mobilized a very different set of fantasies. In 1888, Rizal had traveled with writer Suehiro Tetchō around North America, and the experience seemed to be so productive for the latter that he wrote five major works inspired by what he had learned from their encounter. Even though he had never been to the Philippines, Suehiro wrote two novels with the archipelago as its backdrop and "Philippine people" as its characters, with storms featured right in the title: Nanyo no daiharan / Storm over the South Seas (1891), Arashi no nagori / Remains of the Storm (1891), and an omnibus of both novels titled O Unabara / The Mighty Ocean (1894). The short comedic sketch in which "Rizal" (called the "Manila gentleman") features as a character is titled Oshi no ryoko / The Travels of a Deaf-Mute (1889), and is summarized and discussed briefly in Saniel (2018) and Hau & Shiraishi (2009). According to their analyses, the novels are as fantastical and as romantic as one can expect from a story written with absolute ignorance of its purported setting (Setsuho, 2003, p.24). It seems as if Suehiro's fantasy of the Philippines, devoid of any local ground, then becomes a mirror through which Japan's nanshin-ron (southward advance) becomes partly observable (Hau & Shiraishi, 2009). In a way, Rizal gets exactly what he had wished for ("No matter how little you may know . . ."), but is not alive to witness it culminate into one of its most damaging iterations-as one of the first ideological stirrings of meishuron (Japan-asleader) Pan-Asianism, which with time would eventually develop into the imperial politics of Japan's Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere.
These are only some of the many afterlives the gift of weather produced in succeeding years, but if one had to limit oneself to its immediate and intended receivers, we know the gift did not generate the response Rizal or the ilustrados were hoping for. The understanding of this given-weather took a back seat to the more obvious politicalcolonial-racial corollaries it proposed, and Rizal's cosmopolitan atmospheres does not garner as much commentary as his racial cosmopolitanism. While repercussions were not really felt all that much in Madrid (where the Brindis had initially been given and published), copies of the speech eventually made their way to the Philippines, where it met a much more dramatic reaction from the conservative Spanish elements in the archipelago. Rizal was not dissuaded, though he promised his family he was trying to be as careful as possible. It seemed he was already committed to his cause as early as 1884, and was now even more motivated to attain the international recognition Luna and Hidalgo had both shown were possible in Europe. His artistic strength always lay in his writing, and he had already proposed a book project in partnership with the other ilustrados that year. That initial proposition never really gained momentum however, and he must have consequently decided that he might as well write that book on his own. This book, of course, is none other than the Noli Me Tangere. Filomeno Aguilar's "Romancing Tropicality" (2016) revolves around much of the same concerns of this essay. Aguilar investigates the atmospheric tropisms present in the writings of the ilustrados and juxtaposes them against contemporary ideas regarding the human relationship with nature. Both of our analyses are grounded in readings of the Brindis, and how it reflects the political and environmental imagination of Rizal in the nineteenth century. There are many agreements between my interpretation and his, such as our shared opinion that the Brindis exhibits a romanticism grounded on problematic foundations, and that weather was most often discussed as part of a larger political, anticolonial strategy by the ilustrados. To repeat one of his most salient points: "In romancing the tropics as generative of life and creativity they were asserting a perspective that inverted the prejudiced view of Spaniards and other Europeans, but remaining within environmental determinism" (2016, p.446). In my own earlier discussion, the form of this determinism is one of oppositional limited metonymies, whose logical flaws are apparent to contemporary scholars, but whose significance to nineteenth-century anticolonial politics cannot be denied. In the larger scheme of things, Aguilar's and my interpretation and intentions have possibly more similarities than they do differences.

Romantic Atmospheres in the Tropics
However, this essay departs and extends from Aguilar's in the sense that it is invested not only in the categorization of parts of the Rizaliana as romance, but what such categorizations might mean for us as readers faced with our own contemporary issues regarding climate, climate change, and the world it attempts to bring forth. Echoing Frederic Jameson: "It is not just a question here of deciding to what genre a given work belongs, but also and above all of determining what it means to assert that a work "belongs" to such a classification in the first place" (1975, p.151). Genre classifications, after all, function as conventions through which a text is understood. Others have also already shown how these conventions are not only consequential to literary studies, but also function as historical modes of emplotment (Scott, 2004) whose organizing functions must be understood as socio-political as much as they are aesthetic (Jameson, 1975, p.162). For myself, I do not deny that the Rizaliana presents romantic characteristics 10 or that romance has limitations as a modality.
10 Entire books are written on the subject of what exactly counts as romance and romantic, and generalizations made here must be used simply as starting points instead of as rigid descriptors. Classically defined, romance outside of the Philippines is often associated with the works of writers such as William Wordsworth, Samuel Coleridge, Lord Byron, John Keats, William Blake, Percy Bysshe Shelley, Friedrich Schlegel, and Friedrich Schiller (to name only a few) from 1700 to 1835. Key ideas often used to describe the subjects of their writing tend to revolve around the primacy of poetic genius, imagination, and sentimental feeling as a responses to the dominance What I would like to complicate however, is the easy use of traditional views regarding romance, especially in terms of the speed at which they are deployed to make assertions regarding Rizal's environmental imagination. Rizal does display a romantic affinity, but in a strange way, and it is in the study of this strangeness where Philippine postcolonial ecocriticism might find its most valuable ground and direction, and which possibly needs further elaboration at this point.
"Romancing Tropicality" makes various associations with the ilustrado articulation of romance, some of which are: romance is a nostalgic maneuver borne from a perception of various kinds of displacement, both physical (p.424) and political (p.425); that romancing catastrophe is an aesthetic, or "merely an element of nature's poetry," (p.424); and that it is attuned only to the idyllic, as is visible in the statement that "No ilustrado waxed nostalgic about typhoons and other natural calamities back home" (p.427). Other similar assertions follow, such as: "Any knowledge of the of classical and neoclassical forms in literature and art, and to alienations consequential to the forms of modernity and industrialization occurring in Europe during their lifetimes. In terms of nature, the romantics valorized the subject as the absolute model whose meditation allows the human mind to access not only the sublime, but also man's emancipation from religious and social restrictions. Nature functions as both supreme Other and Ideal, replacing religion as the premier ground of the Sacred (Dizon, 1996, p.416;Schneider, 2000). Romance also has direct links to the French Revolution, and the consequent rhetoric that frames such political upheavals that followed after it across the world (Simpson, 2000;Scott, 2004), a historical example which the ilustrados referred to and praised in their own political writing (Fores-Ganzon, 1967, p.226-229).
Yet, these classical definitions are detoured by the particular conditions of the colonies they arrived in. Prior to the Philippines' entry into world trade, the most popular literary forms on the island were the medieval romances, of which the pasyon (the Tagalog adaption of the passion of Jesus Christ) and the metrical romances (such as the legend of Bernardo Carpio, Arthurian and Charlemagne romance cycles, and the lives of saints) can be taken as representative of (Lumbera, 1986;Eugenio, 1987). Variety in secular literature only came with the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, and even that remained heavily monitored by religious and colonial authorities (Lumbera, 1986, p.93;Jurilla, 2008, pp.31-32). According to Fansler (1916, p.203): "Until the American occupation . . .the reading-matter of the [Philippine] natives was largely the reading-matter of the Spaniards in the sixteenth century and earlier." Thus, romance in the Philippine context runs through a variety of circuits that belie the usual trajectories in which the genre is studied in its European context, and representations of nature follow suit. However, no matter the historical and cultural distances between Spain, the Philippines, and the rest of Europe, similarities can still be found in terms of the broadest definition of the genre's narrative form. Philippine romances from the seventeenth to the twentieth century strongly portray ideal patterns of life (no matter how estranged it is from the presents they emerge from) rather than a realistic representation of it, which is a hallmark characteristic of the romance narrative (Mojares 1983, p.57). This definition of wish-fulfillment follows the premises postulated by Frye (1957), and which David Scott, this time following Hayden White, shows is also a kind of historical emplotment (2004, p.63).
If one were to focus on Rizal and the confluences of the romances in his subject position, inevitably we find both temperate and tropical traditions intertwined in strange ways, particularly if we remember that two of his favorite narratives were Alexandre Dumas' The Count of Monte Cristo and Francisco Balagtas' Florante at Laura. Prior to his leaving the Philippines in 1882, most of his boyhood poetry took on the form of heroic epics which featured historical characters as Elcano, Magellan, and Columbus (Rizal 1976b). While in Europe, he was also a prolific reader, and other scholars have given accounts of the library he had accumulated during his stay (Reyes, 1991, pp.381-385;Dizon, 1996, pp.413-415;Anderson, 2005, p.29;Rizal, 2011b). Of the more popular romantics, he had read Francois-Rene Chateaubriand, Victor Hugo, and Eugene Sue from the French; Mariano Jose Larra, Gustavo Becquer, and Miguel Cervantes from the Spanish; and Friedrich Schiller and Johann Wolfgang von Goethe from the Germans. But Rizal read widely, and he read the Romantics alongside the Realists, Larra (Romantic journalist and poet) alongside Zola (naturalist and novelist) alongside de Laveleye (economist) alongside Morga (historian), and the diversity and speed of his tour through the cultural archive of Europe (from the Classics through the Medieval to the Naturalists) gives the writing an unusual and peculiar flavor. It was all these things yet strangely, and these complications arose from his subject position as a man from the colonies. destructiveness of typhoons could have been occluded by their intense longing for the tropical climate and estrangement from Spain's climate" (p.429) [emphasis mine], or that "One of the contradictions of the ilustrado's romanticization of the tropical climate was the tendency to pass over human suffering brought about by calamities that resulted from natural hazards back home" (p.428). From all these statements, one might assume that Aguilar describes ilustrado romance as a distance away from the Philippine real, and that it thus results in a skewed perspective about the realities of tropical climate that was only rectified (to a certain extent) with Rizal's return to the . However, if we take the letters from 1882 as an example, or even the Noli Me Tangere, which was published before his return to the Philippines in 1887, we find that Rizal himself never really forgot about the tropical real no matter his nostalgic tendencies, and that he was able to flesh it out in great detail in his first novel. If suffering brought about by weather is submerged in the Brindis, it is completely visible in the Noli, which at least shows that while the knowledge of the ravages of nature was not explicitly stated in some parts of the oeuvre, it was in others.
It might also be timely to remember that these reservations regarding romance have a long history in Philippine criticism; that as a genre, it is often said to be a misrepresentation of the world that ought to be corrected by realism. Eminent scholars such as Bienvenido Lumbera (1986, p.53-54) and Resil Mojares (1976, p.247-248) have argued that romance (particularly the medieval romance which was so popular in the Philippines from the seventeenth to the twentieth century) and its corresponding feature of sentimentalism proceeds from a neglect or avoidance of material and economic historical conditions, resulting in a conservative and quietist attitude that displays "a lack of interest in the objective world" from which arises a kind of political regression. From these arguments stem the general tendency to pronounce romance akin to a worldless idealism, a subjectivism resulting in a disengaged and apolitical solipsism (Mojares, 1976). Some have even gone so far as to argue that Philippine romance is partly responsible for the people's passivity and ignorance of their own material conditions during the long three hundred years of Spanish colonization (Reyes, 1984, p.170-171).
Yet, there is no escaping the real, and Rizaliana studies can only be made richer by engaging in a more complex romantic thinking. Even when Aguilar says that romantic tropisms occlude, his essay nonetheless shows how they reveal something else about the historical, political, and material conditions in which they were made. Romantic tropes are still flush with polyvocal reality even when they refuse to be straightforward about itand weather tropes function as both content and container of that immense experience. What is at first glance considered "muted" (Aguilar, 2016, p.430) might actually be better understood as mutation, and if the weather described in Rizal was not completely reflective of the real, it was because it was refractive. And these refractions, or mediations as Raymond Williams calls them (1977, p.98-100), are in themselves valuable because they point to the immanent critique that lies precisely in the Philippine uses of romance: that its estrangement, its very alterity from the real, is both a comprehension and navigation of the world at large and not its denial (Flores, 2011;Flores 2014).
What is at stake in this whole argument is the revelation of the world in its past, present, and future senses. We discuss Rizal because as Philippinists, we want to explore exactly what we can inherit from his legacy in terms of a postcolonial and ecocritical perspective. Similar to studies from other countries which have undergone their own romantic re-views and reinterpretations (Murphy, 2019;Rigby 2020), we regard Rizal as an example of a previous climatic model whose thinking still informs ideas about the present Philippine experience. From a larger, global perspective, he adds a distinctly colonial inflection to two critical genresromance and ecocriticismwhich are still so often discussed in Euro-American terms and from Euro-American perspectives. His very otherness to these discourses obliges us to question the many invisible and unconscious assumptions we deploy in our attempts to navigate the Philippine position and its imagined future vis-à-vis climate change.
Aside from romance, this essay has also made use of the logic of the metonym to illustrate a broader picture of a variety of movements that surround the texts in question. Framing the Rizaliana as both metonymic and romantic allows us to address the multivalent features of the Philippine historical past and to understand it as an intersection of various local and colonial forces. Rizal, as polytropic man (Flores, 2014, p.60-61), belongs to the world of romance as much as he does to the world of the metonym, and possibly to more worlds besides. And it is in the embrace of these multiple worlds within his oeuvre where we might begin constructing an interpretative historical posture commensurate to the immense demands of our current climate realities.

Metonymy and Transnational Solidarity
A common thread of concern between the past and the present is a similar desire for a transnational solidarity embedded in discourses regarding weather and climate. The analysis has shown how Rizal's weather fragments both failed and succeeded at instigating a variety of solidarities through metonymic associations, and there is a historical lesson to learn from that regarding the possibilities of our own current hopes and aspirations. No issue perhaps is as pertinent to both postcolonial and ecocritical projects as the conceptualization of a shared space where all might live with at least a minimum measure of dignity and safety. The necessity to imagine a livable world for the self and all the others (whether human or non-human) which make the self's life not only meaningful but possible in these quickly changing times, resides in our ability to commit to the infinite dimensions of the planetary around us (Spivak, 2003, pp.71-102). Speaking from the particular historical juncture of the nineteenth century, Rizal and the ilustrados knew that any project of such a scale necessitates the engagement with a spirit of camaraderie that passes through and around the more traditional relationships that hegemons insist on. It is instructive to view turbulent weather, both in the historical and contemporary case, as not simply a natural phenomenon that happens, but as a catastrophic intersection 11 of technological, historical, and political factors whose experiences are never divorced from one another. In the face of all the continuous catastrophes occurring during the fin de siècle, solidarity became a keyword which the ilustrados resonated with, owing to the enormous and complex character of their project for reforms, and their understanding that their goals could not be achieved on individual or isolated national grounds. 12 Springing from this general commitment, one supposes that relating on a transnational scale, whether through knowledge or by affection, is no small feat. There is an undeniable difficulty when people are asked to imagine the value of other weathers, especially those in alterity to the ones regularly experienced, and the ilustrados are prime examples of this struggle. It is hard, after all, to care for something one does not intimately know or has even experienced, and this hurdle is partly caused, to my mind, by the difficult relation posed by the weather in fragments, or the logic of the metonym. We know that when any phenomena or subject is reduced either to its positive or negative parts only, one ends up with a caricature, no matter how well meaning the intention of the figuration in the first place. The storm can guide the movements of a brush strokebut if all one ever sees is that partiality, then other aspects of a whole seasonality are overlooked, and one ends up, once again, with places that are nothing but storms, or places that are nothing but tropical paradises. Reduction rehearses either the rationale of the disaster report or the tourism advertisement. And yet, even as this problematic condensation is raised and acknowledged, the more productive effects of metonymic logic are missed out. Less recognized in general is how everyone already lives in bits and pieces of weather from different places, through technological developments and a variety of adaptations. I have mentioned the journey of ice to the tropics earlier, but the same thing can be said of sun lamps, humidifiers, temperature 11 The phrase "catastrophic intersection" is borrowed from a seminar by Amitav Ghosh (2020) where he describes the multiple dimensions that inform migration, elemental degradation being one of them. " [F]or them [climate migrants], climate change was not a thing apart, a phenomenon that could be isolated from other aspects of their experience by a set of numbers or dates. Their experience was formed rather, by sudden and catastrophic intersections of many different factors, of which some were undoubtedly new (like smart phones and changes in the weather), but some of these factors were not new at all, being rooted ultimately, in deeply embedded structures of exploitation and conflict." 12 Speaking of a concerted effort amongst the Philippinists to raise greater awareness regarding the colony's affairs to those in Europe, Marcelo H. del Pilar describes attitudes towards the archipelago as "not significant in [sic] a colony of such minor importance as far as public opinion in Europe and Oceania is concerned. This position will not gain strength if it remains isolated." Letter from Marcelo H. del Pilar to Jose Rizal, 8 April 1889 control, and space heaters and coolers, to say nothing of the ways literatures and the arts transport weather fragments from all parts of the globe to others. And these metonyms are effective and productive things, with their own uses and with their own advantages, and whose existence is not so much the problem as much as people's thoughtlessly excessive and abstracted consumption of them are. In short, even if we do not have the privilege of traveling to other places, the weathers we experience at home already occur with certain kinds of transnational intercessions. Other weather metonyms have already traveled towards us, are with us already, in a contiguous network we already live but are slow to recognize.

Future Expansions in the Tropical Imaginary
A possible avenue of further exploration might be proposed once again by the movement of the metonym. While this argument has given focus to the reductive gestures of the modality, it has not forgotten that the metonym has an expansive function, too. The future of a larger, more inclusive solidarity perhaps lies in our ability to figure, through the principle of endless divergent associations, alternative ways through which a transnational community of weather might be imagined and understood, whether this be through affective, rational, or metarational means. In a study that tackles the movement of literary tropes and environmental justice in the contemporary North American ghetto context, Hsuan Hsu (2011) argues that it is the logic of the metonym which highlights most obviously the transcorporeal horizontal relations between peoples and their surroundings, asserting the significance of lateral disruptions to metaphoric hierarchies. To my mind, the argument can be pushed even further, moving past traditional imaginaries of bounded districts or cities to encompass larger horizons that span the full scope of the planetary. Once again, in bits and pieces, possibilities of this wider imaginary are already emergent in fractured patterns and bursts of sudden movement. The outpouring of international grief over the recent wildfires in Brazil and Australia tell us an affective understanding of a contiguous environment is already emergent for some people around the world, though this comprehension is still largely uneven and irregularly directed by the political optics of international media and the coverage of the environmental crisis' "spectacles." Not quite different from the wildfires, the pandemic has also become a strange bedfellow of the climate crisis, with some theorists highlighting similar characteristics rather than fixating on their technical differences. "Within these pandemic times," says Judith Butler (2021 April), "air, water, shelter, clothing and access to health care are sites of individual and collective anxiety. But all these were already imperiled by climate change." Butler's relational leap, from the pandemic to the climate crisis, exemplifies another instance of metonymic contiguity we can follow, and its significance lies in the way that it underscores multiple associations between two supposedly distinct disasters. Reticular links between species of catastrophe are rooted in a larger summative concern, one whose gravity pulls these two different problems along with the same amount of force and marks them with the same identifiable discursive signature: that the world we all share is not equally shared amongst us, and it is an inequity as old as colonialism itself. And these historical disparities recurve in multiple ways and timesthough now they are more keenly felt than everin a boomerang arc that returns to the West both the causes and consequences of the imperial perils it has at some point generated and benefited from (Clayton, 2021). Yet it is not only the West where agency and recognition lie, especially when faced with a problem as imminent and encompassing as climate change. All are inevitably entangled by the promises and problematics of the tropical imaginary, and are called to respond in the ways most appropriate and commensurate to their historical and present circumstances.
The dilemmas are familiar to many in the humanities, for they are problems whose endurance beggars any conception of justice and fairness we can ever hope to lay claim to. Yet the metonymic struggle of the tropical imaginary, that complex movement between parts and larger wholes through which our solidarity is necessarily animated, obliges us nonetheless to a critical optimism. The metonym, in its most hopeful figuration, suggests that every form of limitation begets and advances its own unpredictable expansion. A whole becomes a part, but a part, too, inevitably hails a larger and more encompassing assemblage into its orbit, one that might contest and refigure the initial totality from which it was reduced. If the contemporary is filled with structural limitations, rife with political violence, state-sanctioned cruelty, and vicious indifference, we must imagine that every reductive, every constraining maneuver of and by power, also inexplicably gestures towards its own radical and associative dismantling with a corresponding solidarity. Rizal and the ilustrados, in their deployment of weather as part of political and anticolonial rhetoric, provide a moment when such maneuvers were initially being explored in the nineteenth century in response to the particular issues of their times, and while the features of their problems are not identical to ours, they are not quite so different either. More importantly, both their successes and failures at instigating transnational solidarities are historical examples which we can learn from as we imagine and shape the course of our own future prospects regarding climate and its many attendant problems. There remains still in the Rizaliana, the semblance of an unexplored potential that understands the many entanglements of the socio-political with the environmental, the local with the global, and such entanglements have never been quite as inexorable or as significant as they are now.